Country Management – Political Election - Equitable Election and Fund-Raising Mechanism
Together on Beizhan Election Finance System
国家管理 – 政治选举 – 公平选举与筹款机制
兼论备战选举财经体系
1.
Realistic Election Financial System
In my previous article <<Election Politics and Head-Hunting Politics>> [1], I proposed Beizhan General Election System, which is an advocate to improve the existing election system from the perspective of human resource management mainly. So, what can be done to develop and perfect the election fund-raising mechanism and the election consumption mechanism in the real election process?
1.1. Election
fund-raising mechanism
Election fund-raising mechanism in reality is to raise political contributions from corporations and individuals. In terms of political contributions, in addition to election political donations, there are also routine political contributions to parties.
1.2. Election consumption mechanism
The election consuming mechanism in reality is that every candidate is basically to be responsible for his/her own expenses; party activities expenses are also to be afforded by the party itself.
1.3. Problems existed in reality
Current election financial mechanism has following problems in the two aspects:
1). Fairness issue
In terms of political fund-raising, some candidates can get more political contributions, some can not, then in election consumption, naturally some candidates will have more opportunities to promote themselves, and some can not, this is obviously not fair, this is contrary to the complete democratic spirit.
On the other hand, it is the political responsibility and obligation of
every voter to participate in and support democratic politics. However, in case
of election contributions, some voters have political contributions and some do
not. Some voters contribute more, and some voters contribute less, this is also
obviously not fair.
2). Regulation violation issue
In the process of political donation, we often hear this kind or that kind illegal fundraising events; political contribution scandals, and so on. In other words, this process is very easy to go wrong.
3). Solidarity issue
Since the political contributions of different parties and candidates come from a variety of donors, in order to win the donors, it is natural that there will be two kind mutual struggling results. One is the struggle for the indecisive donors; one is the struggle of the party for the interests of the stable donors, this kind struggles ultimately will be manifested in the struggle of the industries.
4). Decent issue
In terms of contributions, no matter what kind reasons, it is the matter of reaching out or speaking out to others for money, regardless of the fundraiser's official position level, reputation, it will make people feel not very decent. In some large gatherings, only a slight contribution was received, it is really a loss of face.
2. Beizhan Election Finance
System
To solve the above problems, it is necessary to improve the existing election financial system. Here, I would like to propose Beizhan election finance system. Beizhan election finance system is a completely fair, clean, decent, united election finance system. When this election finance system integrated with Beizhan general election system, it will achieve the best thrift result.
2.1. Beizhan general election system
With the application of pre-requirements for candidates, the number of candidates can be controlled. So the overall budget for the elections can be controlled.
2.2. Beizhan election finance system
Beizhan election finance system mainly includes the following contents:
2.2.1. Political responsibility tax (Political obligation tax)
Political election is the responsibility and obligation of every voter. Every voter also enjoys the country's political management services in different levels, so every voter has the obligation to pay a slight contribution to the political election. Therefore, I advocate the establishment of political responsibility tax (or political obligation tax). The political responsibility tax can be levied every four years; the tax rate can be about 0.5%. The max value of political responsibility tax can not be over $1,250, etc. Details can be decided according to demand. So that the fairness of election fundraising can be achieved, and so on. For every voter, it is affordable. For example: for a voter with an annual income of $50,000, his/her every four year’s political contribution is about: $250.
2.2.2. Standard equitable election consumption distribution mechanism (uniform system)
When having sufficient funding for elections, how can we fairly use the election fund? I advocate standard equitable election consumption distribution, which is the so-called uniform system. The election resources and services for each candidate are the same, such as: advertisements, propaganda, speeches, mass activities, etc., just like each candidate gets a standardized uniform. Each candidate will also receive the same financial compensation after the election, which is what I mentioned paid election. To do so, you can avoid the drawbacks of financial reimbursement system.
2.2.3. Election consumption management system
In specific operation, the political responsibility tax, of course, shall be managed by the revenue agency. Election consumption can be managed by the Constituency Administration Center under the leadership of the Election Bureau.
3. Significance
The advantages of Beizhan election finance
system lie in multiple aspects, such as:
3.1. Fairness
The election resources acquired by each candidate are completely equal. Voters contribute same proportion of political contributions (political responsibility tax) according to their incomes, this is also reasonable. Relatively wealthy voters shall also take a little bit more political obligations and responsibilities.
3.2. Integrity
Beizhan election finance system can minimize and eliminate the political contribution scandals to the max degree.
3.3. Intensiveness
Enterprises will never have the burden of political contributions; political frictions among industries will be removed, individual voter’s financial burden is not large either.
3.4. Standardization
The uniform system management implemented by the Constituency Administration Center under the leadership of Election Bureau, can have unified arrangements and achieve standardized business-like operation.
3.5. Intensiveness
The centralized procurement of election resources and services can be achieved, so as to achieve the intensiveness of election.
3.6. Decency
Candidates and parties can completely eliminate or reduce disgraceful political contribution activities. Election activities will also be more formal and decent.
3.7. Participation
As each candidate will acquire equal election resources and services, the voters’ participation rate will be extended greatly. Since voters will not worry about to be requested for donations when participating political activities, voter’s willingness and behaviors to participate political activities will also be greatly increased.
3.8 Extensiveness
As the election resources and services are uniformly planned and uniformly distributed, and election expenses are quite sufficient, the contacts between candidates and voters will be more extensive.
3.9. Solidarity
The establishment of Beizhan election finance system, makes the struggles among different parties and candidates caused by political contributions to be disappeared. Thus the solidarity of party and country will be enhanced. The battles among industries will also come to an end.
3.10. Economic Benefits
The accumulation of every four year political responsibility taxes after political consumption, can be operated in the form of a fund, it may eventually become a huge amount of national fund (billions or several 10 billions), and earn further profits for the country. Adequate election fund will also further promote the media economy.
1. 现实的选举财经体系
在我以前的文章《选举政治与猎头政治》[1] 一文中,我提出了备战普选体制,这主要是从人力资源管理的角度来完善现有的选举体制的一种主张。那么,在现实的选举过程中,在选举筹款机制和选举消费机制方面,又有什么可以发展和完善的呢?
1.1.
选举筹款机制
现实的选举筹款机制是通过企业和个人的政治捐款来实现的。就政治捐款而言,除了选举政治捐款外,还有日常的党团政治捐款。
1.2.
选举消费机制
现实的选举消费机制基本上是参选人自我负责其开销的,党团活动也是由党团自我负责其费用的。
1.3.
现实存在的问题
现实的选举财经机制在两个方面存在如下问题:
1)。公平性问题
就政治筹款而言,有的参选人能够获得较多的政治捐款,有的却不能够,那么在选举消费上,自然就会有的参选人有较多的机会宣传自己,有的却不能够,这显然是不公平的,
有悖于完全的民主精神的。
从另外一个方面讲,参与和支持民主政治,是每一个选民的政治责任和义务,但就选举捐款而言,有的选民有政治捐款,有的却没有。有的选民捐得多,
有的选民捐得少,这显然也是不公平的。
2)。违规性问题
在政治捐款过程中,我们总是时常听到这样或那样的违规筹款事件,政治献金丑闻,
等等。也就是说, 这一过程是很容易出问题的。
3)。团结性问题
由于不同的党团及参选人的政治捐款来自于各种各样的的捐款人,为了能够争取到捐款人,就很自然地会出现两种互相争斗的结果。一是参选人为争取不固定的捐款人的斗争,一是党团为了固定的捐款人的利益而进行的斗争,这种斗争最终就表现在行业的斗争。
4)。体面性问题
就捐款而言,无论是什么样的理由,都是要伸手或开口向他人要钱的事情,无论募捐者的官位高低,名声大小,都会让人觉得不很体面。有的大型集会,却只收到些微的捐款,实在是让人很失面子。
2.
备战选举财经体系
要解决以上的问题,就很有必要完善现有的选举财经体系。在此,我提出备战选举财经体系。备战选举财经体系是一种完全公平的,廉洁的,体面的,团结的选举财经体系。这一选举财经体系一定要和备战普选体制结合起来,才会达到最佳的节约的效果。
2.1.
备战普选体制
通过参选人预先要求的使用,使得参选人的数量得以控制。从而使选举的总体预算得到控制。
2.2.
备战选举财经体系
备战选举财经体系主要包括以下内容:
2.2.1.
政治责任税(政治义务税)
政治选举是每一个选民的责任和义务。每一个选民也都不同层度地享用国家政治管理的服务,因此,每一个选民都有义务为政治选举付出些微的奉献。所以,我主张设立政治责任税(或政治义务税)。政治责任税可以每四年征收一次,税率可以在0.5%左右。政治责任税的税款额度最多不超过1,250元,等等。具体可以因需而定。这样就可以实现选举筹款的公平性,等等。对于每一个选民来讲,也是可以承受的。例如:一个年收入5万的选民,每四年一次的政治捐款大概为:250元。
2.2.2.
选举消费标准化公平分配机制(制服体制)
在有了充足的选举经费之后,如何公平地使用选举经费呢?我主张选举消费标准化公平分配机制,也就是所谓的制服体制。每个参选人所能够获得的选举资源和服务都是相同的, 例如:广告,宣传,演讲,群众活动,等等,就像每个参选人都获得一个标准化的制服一样。每个参选人在选举结束后也都给与相同的经济补偿,这也就是我所讲的有酬劳的选举。这样做,就可以避免财务报销制的弊端。
2.2.3.
选举消费管理体制
在具体的运行操作中,政治责任税当然由税局负责管理。选举消费可以由选举局领导下的选区管理中心来实施管理。
3.
意义
备战选举财经体系的优越性是多方面的,例如:
3.1.
公平性
每一个参选人所获得选举资源完全平等。选民的政治责任税因为其不同的收入而贡献相同比例的政治捐款(政治责任税),也是合理的。相对富裕的选民也应当承担更大的政治义务和责任。
3.2.
廉洁性
备战选举财经体系可以最大程度地减少和消除政治献金丑闻。
3.3.
节约性
企业永无政治捐款之负担,去除行业政治内耗,选民个人的财务负担也不大。
3.4.
标准化
在选举局领导下的选区管理中心来实施的制服制的管理,可以统一安排,实现标准化的商业似的运作。
3.5.
集约性
选举资源和服务可以实现集中采购,从而实现选举的集约性。
3.6.
体面性
参选人和党团可以完全取消或减少不体面的政治捐款活动。选举活动也将更为正规和体面。
3.7.
参与度
由于每一个政治参选人均可获得相同的选举资源和服务,选民的参与度由此将会大大地扩大。同时,由于选民不再担心参与政治活动会被要求政治捐款,选民参与政治活动的意愿和行为将大大增加。
3.8.
广泛性
由于选举资源和服务是统一规划和统一分配的,而且,选举经费十分充足,参选人和选民的接触将更为广泛。
3.9.
团结性
备战选举财经体系的建立,使得由于不同的党团及参选人因由政治捐款的争斗得以消失。从而增强了党团和国家的团结性。行业之间的争斗也将寿终正寝。
3.10.
经济利益
每四年一度的政治责任税在政治消费后的积累,可以以一种基金的形式来经营,最终可能会成为一数额巨大的国家基金(几十亿或几百亿),为国家赚取进一步的利润。充足的选举经费也必将进一步促进媒体经济的发展。
[1]. Beizhan Liu (2016) <<Election Politics and Head-Hunting
Politics>> in <<Policy Framework>> (pp. 143-162)
-- Beizhan Liu
-- Beizhan Liu
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